The Sangtams are one of the major Naga tribe living in the Tuensang and Kiphire districts of Nagaland.
Like many other tribal groups in Northeast India, they practice jhum, or shifting cultivation. Unlike other Naga tribes in Nagaland, many of the Sangtam have retained their traditional beliefs in spite of embracing Christianity at the same time. Sangtams celebrate twelve different festivals, in particular Mongmong, all of which are affiliated with their traditional culture and religion.
The Sangtam people are one of the major tribes in Nagaland. Towards the Southern part of Nagaland, we have the Sangtam inhabited area under the Kiphire district. The Northern part of Sangtam includes the Longkhim-Chare sub-division of Tuensang district. They are united under the common banner called "United Sangtam." There are 62 (sixty two) villages among the Sangtams, 24 villages under Longkhim-Chare sub-division and 38 villages under Kiphire district. There are seven government administrative towns under united Sangtam jurisdiction. During the recent years, another part of Sangtam land has been recognized under Dimapur district namely Tsithrongse, Sangtamtila and Murise villages.
Festival
The Sangtams, with approximately 12 festivals scattered throughout the calendar year, are a community that embraces feasting, dance, and music as integral components of their cultural life. While some of these festivals are dedicated to specific gennas, most revolve around the themes of food production, blessings, and prosperity. Among these celebrations, the Mongmong festival stands out as one of the most significant. This festival is primarily focused on religious and spiritual rituals, where the Sangtams offer their reverence to the Supreme Being. It is observed annually during the first week of September and spans a duration of six days.
Mongmong, which translates to 'togetherness forever,' is a meticulously observed festival that emphasizes the desire for a bountiful harvest, the culmination of the villagers' year-long toil in the fields. The festival unfolds in several stages:
1. Gathering at the Village Well: The festival commences with the oldest man in the village leading a procession to the village well. This marks the beginning of the festivities, and others follow suit.
2. Collecting Firewood: On the second day, the villagers collect and store firewood, a day known as "Singkithsa."
3. Worship and Cooking Stones: The third day is dedicated to worship and the preparation of cooking stones by the entire community. This day is appropriately termed "Musüyangdup," signifying the feeding of the oven.
4. Clearing and Cleaning: The fourth day, known as "Kikha-langbi," is dedicated to clearing weeds from the paths leading to the fields, inter-village roads, the village well, and other areas.
5. Visiting Relatives and Sharing: The fifth day, "Shilang Wuba Nyumong," is when villagers visit relatives, friends, and neighboring villages. It's a time for sharing meats, drinks, and exchanging gifts, primarily in the form of meat.
6. Harvest Begins: The last day of the festival, "Akatisingkithsa," marks the beginning of the harvest. The Sangtam Nagas believe that their god is pleased, and they hope for blessings to ensure a fruitful harvest and good health for their families.
While these festivals are rich in animist traditions and practices, they also played a vital role in fostering a sense of national unity and spiritual motivation among the Sangtam people.
The advent of Christianity has prompted a reassessment of the significance of "Mongmong" within the Sangtam community and among the Nagas as a whole. This has led to three distinct challenges in the realm of festivals: the traditional animist festivals, festivals infused with Christian values, and festivals influenced by post-modern trends. Notably, some Christians do not actively encourage the church's involvement in festivals. However, religious leaders and churches are gradually stepping forward to present the idea of "Christ in Culture" or "Christ in Festivals."
The colorful rituals and presentations of offerings to the Supreme Being during these festivals are now being interpreted as manifestations of "Christ in Culture." The social theory of religion suggests that religion originated through communal gatherings, and thus, as the Mongmong festival is celebrated with melodious songs and music, it fosters a sense of peace and unity within families and the broader community.[2]
The Sangtam Dao: A Symbol of Embrace
In many societies, external signs worn or inscribed on the body serve as identity markers, signifying affiliation with a particular tradition, whether religious or otherwise. For instance, Christians often wear a cross as a visible symbol of their faith. These symbols can also denote rank and power structures within a particular tradition, and they can even be used to differentiate those within the tradition from those outside of it. Such symbols often serve as "symbols of exclusion," affirming one's exclusive identity, distinguishing rank and position, and setting the wearer apart from others.
However, this exploration delves into historical instances where these external symbols, typically associated with exclusion, have taken on a different role – that of "symbols of embrace." The focus is on identifying moments, whether through historical texts or anthropological sources, where these symbols have fostered connection and unity between individuals or communities, despite their differences. At a time when identity politics often divides us, these counter-examples offer insights into how to achieve togetherness and embrace between radically diverse groups.
The Sangtam Nagas of Eastern Nagaland exemplify this concept of "symbols of embrace." Through fieldwork and interviews, we can understand how the Sangtam Dao serves as a symbol of embrace within their culture, and we can consider its relevance for our contemporary lives. The goal is to draw wisdom from traditional practices to inform our present interactions and relationships.
The Nagas are not confined to the state of Nagaland in Northeast India; they also inhabit regions in Manipur, Arunachal Pradesh, Assam, and even neighboring Myanmar. The term 'Naga' was first coined by British colonials to describe the people of this hilly region. In Nagaland itself, there are sixteen officially recognized tribes, each with its own unique culture, language, ornaments, clothing, and food habits. These distinctions in lifestyle, rituals, and beliefs define the unique tribal identities.
For instance, the Sangtam Nagas, who reside partially in the Tuensang and Kiphire districts, have their distinct Sangtam dialect and distinctive ornamentation and attire that set them apart. Even within the Sangtam community, further social stratification can be observed based on clothing and housing. Various bodily signs and symbols are used to signify social status and identity, often creating a sense of exclusion that sets one Sangtam Naga apart from another.
However, amidst these symbols of exclusion, there exist symbols of embrace. The Sangtam Dao, a type of Naga sword, is a symbol that fosters unity rather than division. Daos are typically carried in a wooden scabbard, worn around the hip, and serve various purposes. When two villages or clans want to establish peace or sign a peace treaty (known as Yangtsa or Mongtsü), the exchange of these bodily symbols, the Daos, takes place. This practice was prevalent among the pre-Christian Sangtam Nagas, who often engaged in wars and headhunting.
The peace process starts with the selection of a representative, Langbürü, who mediates between the two parties during negotiations. After reaching an agreement, the host village presents livestock, such as pigs or cows, to the visitors during their departure, which is then divided among the visitors before reaching their village. This gesture signifies the continuation of their friendship and a commitment to protect each other in times of need. This exchange of Daos and other symbols signifies not exclusion, but rather a symbol of embrace and togetherness.
These symbols of embrace have relevance beyond their historical context. In our contemporary world, where divisive identity politics often prevails, we can draw inspiration from these practices to foster togetherness and unity. These rituals of exchange can be instituted among neighbors, colleagues, business partners and clients, service providers and recipients, and friends. Such acts of togetherness and unity can open up new possibilities and opportunities, ushering in avenues of growth and success. The Dao of Sangtam Nagas serves as a reminder of the power of unity and togetherness, urging us to create new connections in a world that sorely needs them to move forward positively. [3]
The Indigenous Food System
The Sangtam Nagas, a tribal community residing in the Kiphire and Tuensang districts of Nagaland, are renowned not only for their rich cultural heritage and traditional arts and crafts but also for their diverse indigenous food items. Some of the primary indigenous food staples of the Sangtam community include millet, job's tears, sorghum, barley, and beans, locally known as "Kholar."
Food and Culture
In ancient times, millet, job's tears, sorghum, and barley served dual purposes – as a source of sustenance and as key ingredients for making rice beer. Making rice beer, however, was a luxury enjoyed by the wealthier members of the community, as it required a surplus of food resources. Producing the finest rice beer was a matter of pride and social standing in Sangtam society. Elders and friends often gathered at the homes of those who excelled in brewing, fostering social connections and preserving tradition and culture.
The Role of Millet, Job's Tears, Sorghum, and Barley
Millet, job's tears, sorghum, and barley were exclusively used for both sustenance and for crafting the best cocktails of rice beer. In ancient times, when modern tea and tea leaves were not known, rice beer was the beverage of choice and was served to guests and friends during festivals and marriages. Elders emphasize that even today, these grains are essential components of Sangtam culture and tradition. They assert that technologically produced rice and food should not undermine the preservation of their food habits and the safeguarding of their culture and identity.
Social and Cultural Significance
In ancent times, wealth and power were not measured in terms of monetary value but by the number of baskets of millet, job's tears, sorghum, and barley in one's granaries. During marriages, especially among the affluent, gifts were not valued based on material worth but by the quantity of these grains presented by the bride's family as she was sent off. This gesture was highly respected and counted as a symbol of social status.
Sorghum, Ginger, and Eggs in Rituals
Sorghum, ginger, and eggs held a significant role in Sangtam culture and religion, being utilized as offerings during ritualistic ceremonies in ancient times. These items were used for the purification of new land during the establishment of new villages and for sanctifying new harvests before they could be consumed. With the advent of Christianity, these practices have largely ceased to exist. For the elders, food was not just about nourishing the body but also defined their tribal identity. Food was not merely a part of their culture; culture was food itself.
Beans (Kholar)
One of the most renowned food items among the Sangtam people is their indigenous beans, known as "Kholar." Kholar is in high demand due to its exceptional taste and flavor. In Sangtam households, Kholar forms a staple in the diet for both the affluent and less privileged. Preparing Kholar involves various techniques, such as cooking it with smoked pork, fresh pork, or local potatoes from Kiphire. To enhance its flavor and digestibility, Kholar is soaked in water for a few hours. Kiphire is renowned for producing high-yielding and top-quality Kholar in Nagaland, and local farmers have embraced its cultivation for both personal consumption and commercial purposes.
The Preservation of Food and Culture
The intangible heritage of tribal populations, including their traditional knowledge systems and food practices, contains invaluable elements that contribute to the richness and diversity of human culture. Every human community has developed unique ways of life to meet their needs by interacting with their environment and the universe over generations. These processes connect living communities with their ancestors and are essential for maintaining cultural diversity and promoting human creativity.
Preserving intangible heritage is crucial for the advancement of humanity. It safeguards cultural diversity and ensures the continuity of cultural traditions and practices, which in turn can contribute to the well-being and development of humanity as a whole. [4]
The Kinship Terminology
The Sangtam Nagas, a significant ethnic group in present-day Nagaland, inhabit the eastern part of the region. Despite their importance, there has been limited ethnographic documentation on the Sangtam people, particularly concerning their kinship systems. This paper aims to shed light on the previously unexamined Sangtam kinship system, which is distinctive not only in its features but also in its deviation from conventional kinship categories within the broader Naga context.
Sangtam territory is divided into two regions, separated by a mountain range that serves as the watershed between India and Burma. The western section, formerly known as the Northern Sangtam, resides in the Tuensang District, while the eastern section, previously called the Central Sangtam, occupies the Kiphire district west of the Zungki (or Tiho) River.
Historically, Sangtam territories may have been continuous, with migration occurring from south to north. This continuity was disrupted by the eastward expansion of the Sumi Nagas and the westward movement of the Yimchungru Nagas before European contact. The Sangtam's immediate neighbors include the Ao, Chang, Yimchungru, Tikhir, Makhuri, Chirr, and Longpfür Nagas to the east and the Pochury to the south.
The Sangtam Naga society follows a patrilineal and patrilocal structure. They have named, non-localized, exogamous patrilineal clans or "ahong." Although approximately seventeen clans have been recorded, it remains uncertain if this is an exhaustive list. Major clans, such as Thongrü, Jingrü, Mongzarü, Anaru, Langti Thongrü, and Rudy Thongrü, are spread throughout the Sangtam territory, while others have more localized distribution.
The Sangtam kinship system uses ahong titles in a way similar to how Westerners use surnames. Clans may have subclans or patrilineages, but there is no specific term to denote these subdivisions, and all are referred to as ahong. For example, Kuchirü, Shunyak Kurü Thongrü, and Süngthang Thongrü are considered subdivisions of the Thongrü clan, and members of these subclans cannot marry other Thongrü clan members. The Sangtam language is spoken by about 80,000 people and belongs to the Tibeto-Burman language family. Within Sangtam, there are various dialects, such as Longkhim, Kiphire, Sanphure, Hurong, Phelungre, and Alisopur.
Sangtam kinship terms are independent nouns consisting of a root and a neutral, non-relational prefix "a-" (e.g., aja, "grandmother"). The vocative form, used when addressing someone directly, is created by prefixing the kinship noun root with the possessive marker "i-" to form terms like "ija," meaning "my grandmother." An exception to this rule is the term used for addressing one's father, "ua." The second person singular term is formed by adding the prefix "nü-," such as "nüja," meaning "your grandmother." Kinship noun roots are never used in isolation but are always prefixed.
Certain kin terms have a feminine form created by suffixing the root with the feminine semantic gender markers "-tpüh" or "-la," while the masculine form remains unmarked. For example, "aphüli" refers to both a sister's child and son, while "aphülitpüh" specifically means the sister's daughter. The plural gender for most kin terms is formed by adding the suffix "-rü." Vocatives convey the relationship or attitude between interlocutors. Seniors are addressed using proper kin terms as a sign of respect, while personal names are used for juniors and contemporaries to indicate familiarity or intimacy.
The Sangtam kinship system, while unique and atypical within the broader Naga context, exhibits features that align with Lévi-Strauss's model of kinship structures in his "Elementary Structures of Kinship." Sangtam kinship combines elements of both restricted exchange or bilateral marriage and generalized exchange or asymmetrical cross-cousin marriage. The presence of multiple terms for the same degree of kinship based on clan affiliation and the consistent symmetric terminology do not fully align with their marriage rules, making the Sangtam kinship system a distinctive and intriguing model.
In summary, the Sangtam kinship system, although atypical and divergent in certain aspects, presents an interesting blend of features that set it apart from other Naga kinship systems and invite further exploration and research.[5]